Boyd Tonkin, Author at żěè¶ĚĘÓƵ Science news and science articles from żěè¶ĚĘÓƵ Mon, 15 May 2023 10:40:26 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.0.1 242057827 Death of an Author review: Murder mystery generated by AI isn’t awful /article/2373524-death-of-an-author-review-murder-mystery-generated-by-ai-isnt-awful/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS Mon, 15 May 2023 11:00:08 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=2373524 2373524 Collision review: How CERN’s stellar secrets became sci-fi gold /article/2355889-collision-review-how-cerns-stellar-secrets-became-sci-fi-gold/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS Wed, 25 Jan 2023 18:00:00 +0000 http://mg25734230.500 2355889 Telluria review: Political dystopia from a bravura Russian writer /article/2347170-telluria-review-political-dystopia-from-a-bravura-russian-writer/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS Wed, 16 Nov 2022 18:00:00 +0000 http://mg25634130.400 2347170 A Place That Exists Only in Moonlight review: Sublime raid on infinity /article/2193457-a-place-that-exists-only-in-moonlight-review-sublime-raid-on-infinity/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS Wed, 13 Feb 2019 18:00:00 +0000 http://mg24132170.700 2193457 Nature and human nature intersect in a crowdsourced exhibition /article/2138918-nature-and-human-nature-intersect-in-a-crowdsourced-exhibition/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS /article/2138918-nature-and-human-nature-intersect-in-a-crowdsourced-exhibition/#respond Wed, 28 Jun 2017 09:42:29 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=2138918 Weapons
Human-made objects reflect our connection to nature
Thomas Farnetti; Steven Pocock/Wellcome

If you fear that urban living has astroturfed over our sensitivity to nature, trek to Euston Road in London. Each of the 56 crowdsourced exhibits in the Wellcome Collection’s Museum of Modern Nature comes with an audio commentary by the person who submitted it. These are worth a listen.

Take the slice of artificial turf presented by Jenny Bettenson, who works on a city farm. At first glance, it’s an invitation to contemplate what the word “natural” might mean in societies increasingly removed from wildness. (The writer Robert Macfarlane once observed that, as children’s knowledge of plant and animal vocabulary shrinks, it’s goodbye to the blackberry, hello to the BlackBerry.) Hold on, though: that patch of plastic grass not only mimics the concrete-covered real thing. Proper plants – kale, nasturtiums, even grass itself – have begun to sprout amid its phoney blades.

Curator Honor Beddard and her team of selectors – which includes a dairy farmer, a mountaineer, a park manager, a horticultural scientist and a “plant medicine shaman” – have chosen items to tell a story about their contributors’ relationship with nature. Ideas of nostalgia, loss and threat abound, from Elizabeth Shuck’s paired photos of the same location in the 1950s and 1980s, in which a farm is replaced by a motorway, to David Cahill Roots’s synthetic toy chick. You can draw a line through this show that leads from plenty and intimacy to pollution and alienation. But you will not have covered all the territory.

Trove of everyday treasures

This gathering of found objects and crafted artefacts, mementos, relics and fetishes, speaks softly yet insistently about resilience and ingenuity. These everyday treasures honour and cherish nature. Some choices are deliberately mundane. There’s a lentil-sorting sieve brought from Bangladesh, and hand-carved spoons from a felled silver birch. Others stress the mimetic capacity of crafted objects, from the fish-shaped paper knife made from brass shell casings in the trenches of the first world war, to the conceptual body art of Kelli Powling’s phytoplankton-themed tattoo.

Tattoo

In the shape of actual or depicted flowers, leaves, branches and creatures, fragments of autobiography find expression. If the exhibition needed a signature quotation, it might come from William Wordsworth’s ode “Intimations of Immortality”: “To me the meanest flower that blows can give / Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears”.

Not too deep for laughter, though. Whatever can Stephen Hall’s nerdily arranged rows of toy cars, colour-coded to form a spectrum, have to do with modern nature? Hall, who as a kid collected beetles in Australia, began to buy model motors for his son, then for himself. So these plastic automobiles evoke not only the fondly remembered Coleoptera of childhood, but the principle of “collecting and classifying” itself.

Wealth of symbols

Semioticians would enjoy, as it were, a field day at the Wellcome. These objects run the gamut of every imaginable index, icon and symbol for the natural world – from a barometer and a juice carton to a thermos flask and primatologist Shenaz Khimji’s paper stack of statistical data about black-headed night monkeys.

Some of the choices seem charmingly naive, though Julie Carr’s garden gnome has a touching family backstory. Some – John Cockram’s oxygen cylinder, for instance – feel clever to the point of Tate Modern sophistication.

Paper knife
Paper knife made of brass shell casings
Ben Gilbert/Wellcome

Just as thought-provoking, in their gnarled and knobbly way, are the scary weapons constructed out of wood, string and concrete by Felix, Vito and Gulliver Wayman-Thwaites (aged, respectively, 7, 7, and 2 and three-quarters). Very Lord of the Flies. One of the Wayman-Thwaiteses explains that, in its pre-militarised state, his stick had “a bug living in it but it’s dead now”.

Whole tomes of eco-philosophy have arisen from such insights.

runs at the Wellcome Collection, London, until 8 October

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Maps and the 20th century: Where to draw the lines? /article/2115039-maps-and-the-20th-century-where-to-draw-the-lines/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS Wed, 07 Dec 2016 18:00:00 +0000 http://mg23231031.800 map
Atlantic Ocean floor: home to part of Earth’s longest mountain range
Heinrich Berann Atlantic floor National Geographic Magazine june 1968
, British Library, London, to 1 March 2017 OUT of the scores of maps on display at the British Library, one in particular should snare the attention of President-elect Trump. It shows how in 1864 a section of the Rio Grande that marks the US-Mexico border changed course due to flooding, pushing the 600-acre Chamizal tract and its people into another country. Where to build that wall? Eventually, Mexico got its land and people back. But most visitors to Maps and the 20th Century will readily agree that “the map is not the territory” – a dictum coined by the engineer-philosopher Alfred Korzybski. We know that history, ideology and changing scientific norms have always shaped those deceptive but indispensable charts that frame space and freeze time. The Chamizal dispute, however, suggests another, more unsettling variable: one that exists not just in cartographers’ heads but on the shifting earth. Maps of the receding Breiðamerkurjökull glacier in Iceland helped sound the alarm on climate change as human agency began to modify the mappable terrain. These days, even the territory itself may not count as solid ground. This isn’t the first time the British Library has plundered its four-million strong map and chart collection for exhibitions that warn us not to treat the cartographic orthodoxy of the day as gospel truth – be it the Mercator Projection, Ordnance Survey or Google Maps. One 2001 show had the sternly didactic title Lie of the Land. The latest exhibition confines itself to the 20th century, with an especially strong sample of the maps that provoked and accompanied two world wars and the cold war that ensued. Inspect the beautifully crafted, 3D relief maps of the Western Front that Haig’s staff pored over during the first world war and you shudder. Back in their chateaux, staff officers sought to bypass gradients, slopes and woods while missing the perils of level open ground – barbed wire, mud, trenches, exposure – as that required imagination rather than a clear sight of the charts. The map was not the territory: countless thousands died as a result.

“Maps of Iceland’s receding Breiðamerkurjökull glacier helped sound the alarm on climate change”

“The art of Biography,” rhymed the English humorist Edmund Clerihew Bentley, “Is different from Geography. Geography is about maps, But Biography is about chaps.” From the Nazi map of the US that identifies states with high German immigration as propaganda targets to the early infographic that plots income-distribution in 1966 Los Angeles by neighbourhood, we never forget that chaps make maps for and about other chaps. Within their folds, or across their pixels, human and physical geography converge. Advances in technology will never banish the shaping spirit of the cartographer. A 1990 satellite-generated depiction of “Earth from Space” consists of thousands of separate images woven into an artificial tapestry: just as much a fiction, arguably, as the Navy League world map of 1901 that coats most of the planet in imperial scarlet. Curator Tom Harper’s selection reminds us that the satellite and digital imaging behind the maps in cars and phones now has a decades-long history. GPS began in 1973. Its early documents can look quainter than any medieval fantasy: the frail lines of Bell Labs’s 1995 map of global internet traffic on one day are as lonely as the course of Columbus’s caravels. When maps advance the propaganda aims of corporations or of states, decoding them is a relatively simple task. We quickly get the point, even before an evil giant spider straddles Europe in both British (1915) and German (1941) colours. More nuanced, and troubling, thoughts arise when a genuine quest for as much accuracy as instruments and techniques permitted drives map-makers to either flatter power – or stiffen resistance to it.
map covered by spider
During the first world war, maps depicted Britain as an evil spider
Jon Ellis The British Library
No item at the show moved me more than the minutely detailed plan of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp sent by the Jewish Agency and Polish government-in-exile to the UK’s Foreign Office in 1944. It was created in support of the vain effort to secure Allied bombing raids on the railway lines that fed the extermination camps. This was topographical exactitude in the service of humanity. Less nobly, the Abadan oil-refinery map of 1949 – with the Iranian plant plotted down to its last fence and tree – was created not to win a political argument but the cold war itself. Pretty often in the exhibition, cartographers are shown to yoke science (sound for the time) to selfish ends. Take a Rwandan mineral-deposit map from 1963, with land carefully punctuated by symbols of the wealth beneath: from Fe and Sn, even some Au, down to the Co that powers the phone that stores your maps – and stoked the wars of Central Africa. Inevitably, the categories can overlap. Better, perhaps, to get lost amid the cartographic cornucopia than try to follow a fixed path like the earnest pipe-puffing ramblers on the covers of inter-war OS maps. The leaps between culture and context yield mind-stretching views, as when Harry Beck’s “electrical circuit diagram” of the 1931 London Underground shares a space with a mattang, a navigational stick chart from the Marshall Islands. This time-honoured seafarers’ aid not only locates islands with a schematic audacity to rival Beck, but even indicates ocean swell. Just like the European traders and commanders who landed on their palm-fringed shores, Pacific islanders took a strictly practical view of mapping the seas. The features that mattered either helped people cross them, or threatened to shipwreck their craft. Only towards the end of the 19th century did the emerging science of oceanography allow us to pore over the submarine world with the same awe inspired by a contoured map of the Himalayas or the Alps. A 1960s chart of the Atlantic Ocean sea floor shows the spine of the Mid-Atlantic Ridge snaking along the seabed from Iceland to the sub-Antarctic Bouvet Island – at about 15,000 kilometres, it is part of Earth’s longest mountain range.

“The minutely detailed plan of Auschwitz-Birkenau was topographical exactitude in the service of humanity”

Closer to home, Harper’s insistence on maps as “agents of change” and vectors of power allows startling glimpses of ourselves as others see us. Luftwaffe bombing charts of Liverpool may seem fairly familiar; less so a map of the post-war Abercrombie Plan for London. And whatever happened to those projected “major airports” in Romford and Orpington? As late as 1990, authorities in the Soviet Union compiled classified military maps of the UK based on their standardised grid, “Sistem 42”. The section devoted to the UK’s south coast supplies another, stranger identity for the resort of Brighton’s posher neighbour. Under Soviet eyes, sedate Hove has mutated into glamorous and sinister “KOB”. This article appeared in print under the headline “Where we map the line of human lives”]]>
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Ghastly weather: What Frankenstein can tell us on climate change /article/2098365-ghastly-weather-what-frankenstein-can-tell-us-on-climate-change/?utm_campaign=RSS|NSNS&utm_content=currents&utm_medium=RSS&utm_source=NSNS /article/2098365-ghastly-weather-what-frankenstein-can-tell-us-on-climate-change/#respond Fri, 22 Jul 2016 15:06:47 +0000 /?post_type=article&p=2098365
Tambora
Frankenstein was written in the wake of the 1815 eruption of Mount Tambora, which was followed by “a year without a summer”
AP Photo/KOMPAS Images, Iwan Setiyawan

“Really we have had lately such stupid mists, fogs, rains and perpetual density,” Lord Byron wrote from Switzerland to fellow poet Samuel Rogers in July 1816, “that one would think Castlereagh had the foreign affairs of the kingdom of Heaven also upon his hands.”

By mock-blaming the dreadful weather of mid-1816 – soon dubbed “the year without a summer” – on the policies of Britain’s reactionary foreign secretary, Byron spoke a century or two ahead of time. Without any human agency, the April 1815 eruption of Mount Tambora on the island of Sumbawa in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), at 10 times the force of the legendary Krakatoa in 1883, threw enough volcanic ash, dust and debris into the atmosphere to ruin crops and trigger famines from China to New England. The disaster also killed around 90,000 local people, mostly through starvation.

Year without a summer

Historian John Post called the aftermath “the last great subsistence crisis in the Western world”. Average global temperatures fell by an estimated 0.4 to 0.7 °C. Land became flooded or parched.

In faraway Virginia, where it snowed in June 1816 and crops failed, Thomas Jefferson lamented “the most extraordinary year of drought and cold” America had ever seen. In Bengal, three years of skies shrouded in a sulphate veil impeded the monsoons and led not only to mass hunger but also to the spread of a new strain of cholera, triggering a global epidemic.

And in Switzerland, where the scandal-clouded Byron had fled to spend the sodden summer with his new poetic soulmate Percy Shelley, Shelley’s teenage lover Mary Godwin and Mary’s stepsister Claire Clairmont, rain fell on 130 of 153 days between April and August.

At the dawn of Europe’s industrial revolution, a purely natural disaster – possibly the most extreme volcanic eruption since the Hatepe event in New Zealand around AD 185 – thus convulsed societies and states across the globe.

Two centuries later, in a world of frets and fears about human responsibility for climate change, the cultural fallout from that “year without a summer” still colours the stories we tell.

As Byron’s jokey aside about Castelreagh hints, for post-Enlightenment minds in the early 19th century, it was no longer easy to endure climate calamities as the simple will of God. In the US, penitent cults spread as ruined farmers migrated from the cold, barren soils of New England.

For free-thinking Europeans such as the Bryon-Shelley crew, these grim months came swiftly on the heels of Napoleon’s defeat and the collapse of hopes for change. However much it rested on coincidence and contingency, the collision of social and natural catastrophes gave rise to long, dark nights of the Romantic soul.

Stormy origins

On one of those dark nights, in late June 1816, an evergreen myth was born. The story of how 18-year-old Mary Godwin, the precocious daughter of two notorious radical thinkers (Mary Wollstonecraft and William Godwin) and already mother to a baby boy, came to compose Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus, has been told many times. The most gripping account remains her own. It appears in the preface to an 1831 edition of the novel, in which Mary Shelley (she married Percy in December 1816) distilled the hopes and fears of Enlightenment enquiry and Romantic imagination into a deathless story of curiosity and obsession.

In that “wet, ungenial summer”, she recalls, “incessant rain often confined us for days to the house”. One soaking night, at Byron’s rented Villa Diodati beside Lake Geneva in Switzerland, the company of rebels had spooked themselves by reading a collection of German horror stories. “We will each write a ghost story,” Byron imperiously declared afterwards. Nothing came to Mary.

A few days later, however, she sat silent and attentive while Byron and Shelley ruminated over galvanism, the experiments of physician Erasmus Darwin and “the principle of life” itself. Later that night, sleepless and “possessed… beyond the usual bounds of reverie”, Mary in a “waking dream” saw “the pale student of unhallowed arts kneeling beside the thing he had put together”.

In the morning, dread yielded to exultation: “What terrified me will terrify others,” she later wrote. By January 1818, she had published Frankenstein. It shocked the critics but thrilled its readers. With lordly understatement, Byron told his publisher John Murray: “Methinks it is wonderful work for a girl of nineteen – not nineteen, indeed, at that time.” The “girl” had changed, forever and everywhere, the popular conception of Western science.

Weird weather

That “ungenial summer” lends the novel its backdrop of meteorological shock and awe. Weird weather scours the book. The sense of transgression and reversal, as summer became winter and day night, also underlies The Vampyre, the clumsy but influential entry in the ghost-story contest by John Polidori, Byron’s doctor and companion. In this uncanny season, as the frontiers among the elements collapsed, so did frontiers in the mind: between reason and magic, daylight and dream, the living and the dead.

Byron himself, in response to those “stupid” mists, fogs and rains, wrote the apocalyptic poem Darkness, with its vision of a “void” planet: “A lump of death, a chaos of hard clay”, where “Morn came and went, and came, and brought no day”.

Mary, too, felt horror at these atmospheric breakdowns – but also a sense of galvanising possibility. Frankenstein’s mission, and his noble Creature, excites as much it dismays. As the cultural historian Alexandra Harris puts it in , her book about climate in English literature, “Where Byron saw lumpen deathliness that summer, Mary Shelley saw terrifying new forms of vitality.”

Darkness is a mesmeric piece of verse, much quoted during Cold War-era panics about the threat of “nuclear winter”. Frankenstein, though, conceives of something grander than another doomsday chill. Along with its mood of risk and guilt come idealism and hope – dashed not by the high-minded Creature, but by the self-hatred and broken vows of his fabricator. Mary Shelley delivers heroism along with hubris.

The age of cli-fi

Now, 200 years after her world-shaking summer, the art that responds to human-made environmental peril may have more to learn from Shelley than from her aristocratic ally.

At least since J. G. Ballard published his great twin tales of planetary catastrophe in the early 1960s (The Drowned World and The Burning World, later retitled The Drought), climate-change fiction has spread like livid algae across a stagnant pool. “Cli-fi”, , now stretches across 200-odd titles – from early visions such as Arthur Herzog’s Heat to the ecological precision of Barbara Kingsolver’s Flight Behaviour and the exuberant end-time speculation of David Mitchell’s The Bone Clocks.

Even before the hard news came in about greenhouse gas emissions, weather-driven apocalypse had long lost its novelty. In Mary Shelley’s spirit of excitement and enchantment, writers and other green-minded artists may now need to recalibrate their instruments of warning and prophecy.

A couple of years before Ian McEwan published Solar – his bold bid in 2010 to do exactly that – he told me in an interview about the limits of disaster narratives. “We’ve had so many dystopias that we’re brain-dead in that direction,” the novelist argued. Instead, climate change called for fiercer, nimbler forms of art. “It’s got to be fascinating, in the way that gossip is. It’s got to be about ourselves. Maybe it needs an Animal Farm. Maybe it needs an allegory. But if you’re going in that direction, you need a lot of wit.”

A light in the darkness

With wit, cunning and a measure of satirical ferocity, McEwan went on to create (in Solar) the Nobel-prizewinning slob Michael Beard: a guzzling, boozing, one-man embodiment of human overconsumption, but also a potential saviour with a mind to change the world.

Although more comic than tragic, Beard perhaps has something in common with Victor Frankenstein himself. As the Genevan scientist and his undead progeny celebrate their bicentenary, remember that their inventor reacted to the crashing turbulence that oversaw their birth more with delight than dismay.

“One night we enjoyed a finer storm than I had ever before beheld,” she wrote to her half-sister Fanny Imlay. Mark the verb. While Mount Tambora’s ash cloud did its remote, unknown worst, the lightning bolts lit creative exhilaration rather than frozen doom and gloom. As Mary Shelley intuited, and Ian McEwan knows, the art of climate crisis demands more than endless downpours of apocalypse. It’s high time for a break in the clouds.

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